티스토리 뷰
Success turned liberals into a complacent elite1. They need to rekindle their desire for2 radicalism
Liberalism made the modern world, but the modern world is turning against it3. Europe and America are in the throes of a popular rebellion against4 liberal elites, who are seen as self-serving5 and unable, or unwilling, to solve the problems of ordinary people. Elsewhere a 25-year shift towards freedom and open markets has gone into reverse6, even as China, soon to be the world's largest economy, shows that dictatorships can thrive.
For The Economist this is profoundly worrying7. We were created 175 years ago to campaign for liberalism - not the leftish "progressivism" of8 American university campuses or the rightish9 "ultraliberalism" conjured up by10 the French commentariat11, but a universal commitment to12 individual dignity13, open markets, limited government and a faith in human progress14 brought about by debate15 and reform.
Our founders would be astonished at how16 life today compares with the poverty and the misery of the 1840s. Global life expectancy in the past 175 years17 has risen from a little under 30 years to over 70. The share of people living below the threshold of18 extreme poverty has fallen from about 80% to 8% and the absolute number has halved19, even as the total living above it has increased from about 100m to over 6.5bn. And literacy rates are20 up more than fivefold21, to over 80%. Civil rights and the rule of law are incomparably22 more robust than they were only a few decades ago. In many countries individuals are now free to choose how to live - and with whom.
This is not all the work of liberals, obviously. But as fascism, communism and autarky23 failed over the course of24 the 19th and 20th centuries, liberal societies have prospered. In one flavour or another, liberal democracy came to dominate the West and from there it started to spread around the world25.
Laurels26, but no rest
Yet political philosophies cannot live by their past glories27: they must also promise a better future. And here liberal democracy faces a looming challenge28. Western voters have started to doubt that the system works for them or that it is fair. In polling29 last year just 36% of Germans, 24% of Canadians and 9% of the French thought that the next generation would be better off than their parents30. Only a third of Americans under 35 say that it is vital31 they live in a democracy; the share who would welcome military government32 grew from 7% in 1995 to 18% last year. Globally, according to Freedom House, an NGO, civil liberties33 and political rights have declined for the past 12 years - in 2017, 71 countries lost ground while only 35 made gains34.
Against this current35, The Economist still believes in the power of the liberal idea. Over the past six months, we have celebrated out 175th anniversary with online articles, debates, podcasts and films that explore how to respond to liberalism's critics36. In this issue we publish an essay that is a manifesto for a liberal revival37 - a liberalism for the people.
Our essay sets out how38 the state can work harder for the citizen by recasting taxation39, welfare, education and immigration. The economy must be cut free from the growing power of corporate monopolies40 and the planning restrictions that shut people out of the most prosperous cities41. And we urge the West to shore up42 the liberal world order through43 enhanced military power44 and reinvigorated alliances45.
All these policies are designed to deal with liberalism's central problem. In its moment of triumph after the collapse of the Soviet Union, it lost sight of its own essential values46. It is with them that the liberal revival47 must begin.
Liberalism emerged in the late 18th century as a response to the turmoil48 stirred up by independence in America, revolution in France and the transformation of industry and commerce. Revolutionaries insist that, to build a better world, you first have to smash the one in front of you. By contrast49, conservatives are suspicious of50 all revolutionary pretensions to51 universal truth52. They seek to preserve what is best in society by managing change, usually under a ruling class53 or an authoritarian leader who "knows best".
An engine of change54
True liberals contend that55 societies can change gradually for the better56 and from the bottom up57. They differ from58 revolutionaries because they reject the idea that individuals should be coerced into accepting someone else's beliefs59. They differ from conservatives because they assert that60 aristocracy61 and hierarchy62, indeed all concentrations of power63, tend to become sources of oppression64.
Liberalism thus began as65 a restless66, agitating world view67. Yet over the past few decades liberals have become too comfortable with power. As a result, they have lost their hunger for reform68. The ruling liberal elite tell themselves that they preside over69 a healthy meritocracy70 and that they have earned their privileges. The reality is not so clear-cut71.
At its best72, the competitive spirit of73 meritocracy has created extraordinary prosperity74 and a wealth of new ideas75. In the name of efficiency76 and economic freedom, governments have opened up markets to competition77. Race, gender and sexuality have never been less of a barrier to78 advancement79. Globalization has lifted hundreds of millions of people in80 emerging markets81 out of poverty.
Yet ruling liberals have often sheltered themselves from82 the gales of83 creative destruction84. Cushy85 professions86 such as law are protected by fatuous regulations87. University professors enjoy88 tenure89 even as they preach the virtues of90 the open society91. Financiers were92 spared the worst of the financial crisis when93 their employers were bailed out with94 taxpayers' money95. Globalization was meant to create enough gains to help the losers, but too few of them have seen the pay-off96.
In all sorts of ways97, the liberal meritocracy is closed and self-sustaining98. A recent study found that, in 1999-2013, America's most prestigious universities99 admitted more students from100 the top 1% of households101 by income than from the bottom 50%. In 1980-2015 university fees in America rose 17 times as fast as median incomes102. The 50 biggest urban areas contain 7% of103 the world's people104 and produce 40% of its output105. But planning restrictions106 shut many out107, especially the young.
Governing liberals have become so wrapped up in108 preserving the status quo that109 they have forgotten what radicalism looks like. Remember how, in her campaign to become America's president, Hillary Clinton concealed her lack of big ideas behind110 a blizzard of small ones111. The candidates to become leader of the Labour Party in Britain in 2015 lost to Jeremy Corbyn not because he is a dazzling political talent so much112 as because they were indistinguishably113 bland114. Liberal technocrats115 contrive116 endless clever policy fixes117, but they remain conspicuously118 aloof from119 the people they are supposed to be helping. This creates two classes: the doers120 and the done-to, the thinkers and the thought-for, the policymakers121 and the policytakers.
The foundations of liberty
Liberals have forgotten that their founding idea is civic respect for all122. Our centenary123 editorial124, written in 1943 as the war against fascism raged125, set this out in126 two complementary principles127. The first is freedom: that it is "not only just and wise but also profitable... to let people do what they want." The second is the common interest: that "human society... can be an association for128 the welfare of all."
Today's liberal meritocracy sits uncomfortably with that inclusive definition of freedom129. The ruling class live in a bubble130. They go to the same colleges, marry each other, live in the same streets and work in the same offices. Remote from power131, most people are expected to be content with132 growing material prosperity instead133. Yet, amid stagnating productivity134 and the fiscal austerity that135 followed the financial crisis of 2008136, even this promise has often been broken.
That is one reason loyalty to mainstream parties is corroding137. Britain's Conservatives, perhaps the most successful party in history, now raise more money from the wills of dead people than they do from the gifts of the living. In the first election in unified Germany138, in 1990, the traditional parties won over 80% of the vote; the latest poll gives them just 45%, compared with a total of 41.5% for the far right, the far left and the Greens.
Instead people are retreating into group identities defined by race139, religion or sexuality. As a result, that second principle, the common interest, has fragmented140. Identity politics is141 a valid response to discrimination142 but, as identities multiply, the politics of each group collides with the politics of all the rest143. Instead of generating useful compromises, debate becomes an exercise in144 tribal outrage145. Leaders on the right, in particular, exploit146 the insecurity147 engendered by immigration as148 a way of whipping up support149. And they use smug left-wing arguments about150 political correctness to feed their voters' sense of being looked down on151. The result is polarization. Sometimes that leads to paralysis152, sometimes to the tyranny of the majority153. At worst154 it emboldens far-right authoritarians155.
Liberals are losing the argument in geopolitics, too. Liberalism spread in the 19th and 20th centuries against the backdrop first of156 British naval hegemony157 and, later, the economic and military rise of the United States. Today, by contrast158, the retreat of liberal democracy is taking place as Russia plays the saboteur159 and China asserts its growing global power160. Yet rather than defend the system of alliances and liberal institutions it created after the second world war, America has been neglecting it - and even, under President Donald Trump, attacking it.
This impulse to161 pull back is based on162 a misconception163. As the historian Robert Kagan points out, America did not switch from interwar164 isolationism165 to166 post-war engagement167 in order to contain the Soviet Union168, as is often assumed. Instead, having seen how the chaos of the 1920s and 1930s bred fascism169 and Bolshevism170, its post-war statesmen171 concluded that a leaderless world was172 a threat173. In the words of Dean Acheson, a secretary of state, America could no longer sit "in the parlour174 with a loaded shotgun, waiting175".
It follows that the break up of176 the Soviet Union in 1991 did not suddenly make America safe. If liberal ideas do not underpin the world177, geopolitics risks becoming the balance-of-power178, sphere-of-influence struggle that179 European statesmen grappled with180 in the 19th century. That culminated in181 the muddy battlefields of182 Flanders. Even if today's peace holds, liberalism will suffer as growing fears of foreign foes183 drive people into the arms of strongmen and populists184.
It is the moment for a liberal reinvention. Liberals need to spend less time dismissing their critics as fools185 and bigots186 and more fixing what is wrong. The true spirit of liberalism is not self-preserving187, but radical and disruptive188. The Economist was founded to campaign for the repeal of the Corn Laws189, which charged duties on imports of grain into Victorian Britain190. Today that sounds comically191 small-bore192. But in the 1840s, 60% of the income of factory workers went on food, a third of that on bread. We were created to take the part of the poor against the corn-cultivating gentry193. Today, in that same vision, liberals need to side with a struggling precariat194 against195 the patricians196.
They must rediscover their belief in197 individual dignity and self-reliance198 - by curbing their own privileges199. They must stop sneering at nationalism200, but claim it for themselves and fill it with their own brand of inclusive201 civic pride202. Rather than lodging power in203 centralized ministries204 and unaccountable205 technocracies206, they should devolve it to regions207 and municipalities208. Instead of treating geopolitics as a zero-sum struggle between209 the great powers, America must draw on210 the self-reinforcing211 triad of212 its military might213, its values and its allies.
The best liberals have always been pragmatic214 and adaptable215. Before the first world war Theodore Roosevelt took on216 the robber barons who217 ran America's great monopolies218. Although many early liberals feared mob rule219, they embraced democracy220. After the Depression in the 1930s they acknowledged that government has a limited role in managing the economy. Partly221 in order to see off fascism and communism after the second world war, liberals designed the welfare state.
Liberals should approach today's challenges with equal vigour222. If they prevail223, it will be because their ideas are unmatched for their ability to224 spread freedom and prosperity225. Liberals should embrace criticism226 and welcome debate as a source of the new thinking that will rekindle their movement227. They should be bold and impatient for reform228. Young people, especially, have a world to claim.
When The Economist was founded 175 years ago our first editor, James Wilson, promised "a severe contest between229 intelligence, which presses forward230, and an unworthy, timid ignorance obstructing our progress231." We renew our pledge to that contest232. And we ask liberals everywhere to join us.
- complacent ; [형용사] ~ (about sb/sth) (보통 못마땅함) 현실에 안주하는, 자기만족적인 ;; [ADJ] A complacent person is very pleased with themselves or feels that they do not need to do anything about a situation, even though the situation may be uncertain or dangerous. [본문으로]
- rekindle ; [타동사][VN] (격식) (감정·생각 등을) 다시 불러일으키다[불붙이다] ; 유의어 reawaken [본문으로]
- turn against ; to stop, or to make somebody stop, being friendly towards somebody; to stop, or to make somebody stop, supporting somebody/something [본문으로]
- in the throes of something/of doing something ; 한창 ~을 하는 중에(특히 힘들거나 복잡한 일을 하는 중에) [본문으로]
- self-serving ; [형용사] (못마땅함) 자기 잇속만 차리는 [본문으로]
- go/put something into reverse ;; 반전[역전]되다/~을 반전[역전]시키다 [본문으로]
- worrying ; [형용사] 걱정스러운, 걱정되는, 우려되는 [본문으로]
- progressivism ; [명사] [U] 진보주의; [P~] [미] 진보당(Progressive party)의 원칙 [본문으로]
- rightish ; [형용사] 오른편으로 기운 [본문으로]
- conjure (sth/sb) up ; ~을 상기시키다, 생각해내다 ;; to make somebody/something appear suddenly or unexpectedly, as if by magic [본문으로]
- commentariat ; [명사] 전문가, 숙달자, 분석가, 해설자 ;; 미국식 [kɑ́məntæ̀riət] 영국식 [kɔ́-] ;; [NOUN] the journalists and broadcasters who analyse and comment on current affairs [본문으로]
- (a) commitment to ; …에의 헌신, 의지, 약속, 매진, 노력 [본문으로]
- dignity of individual ; 개인의 존엄 [본문으로]
- human progress ; 인류진보, 인류발전 [본문으로]
- bring about ; [VERB] to cause to happen ;; bring about 동사구를 수동태로 쓸때 about 다음 by를 붙여 사용하는 것을 확인 [본문으로]
- be astonished at ; ~을 보고 크게 놀라다 [본문으로]
- life expectancy ; [명사] 기대 수명[여명] ;; the expectation of life [본문으로]
- threshold ; 2. 한계점 ;; 3. [주로 단수로] (비유적인 의미의) 문턱 [본문으로]
- halve ; [타동사] 1. 반으로 줄다[줄이다] ;; 2. [타동사][VN] 이등분[양분]하다 [본문으로]
- literacy rate ; [명사] 식자율, 국민중 글을 아는 사람들의 비율 [본문으로]
- fivefold ; [형용사] 1. 5배의, 5겹의 ;; 2. 5부분[요소]이 있는 ;; [부사] 5배로, 5겹으로 [본문으로]
- incomparably ; [부사] 비교가 안될 정도로, 빼어나게 [본문으로]
- autarky ; (pl. -kies) 1. [U] 경제적 자급 자족(self-sufficiency); 경제 자립 정책 ;; 2. 경제 자립 국가 ;; 미국∙영국 [ɔ́:tɑ:rki] ;; [NOUN] [, pl -kies] (esp of a political unit) a system or policy of economic self-sufficiency aimed at removing the need for imports [본문으로]
- in/over the course of… ; (기간을 나타내는 표현과 함께 쓰여) …동안 ;; during [본문으로]
- spread around ; ~에 퍼지다 [본문으로]
- laurel ; 2. [pl.] laurels (영예의 상징으로서의) 월계관 ;; 미국식 [ˈlɔːr-; ˈlɑːr-] 영국식 [ˈlɒrəl] [본문으로]
- past glories ; 과거의 영광 [본문으로]
- looming ; [형용사] 어렴풋이 보이기 시작하는, 희미하게 나타나는; 기분 나쁜, 무시무시한 (menacing). [본문으로]
- polling ; [U] 1. 투표 (행위) ;; 2. 여론 조사 (활동) [본문으로]
- be better off ; 더 부자이다[형편이 더 낫다] ;; be better off doing sth ; (마음이나 처지가) 더 좋은[나은] ;; (~하는 것이) 더 낫다 ;; 참고 be worse off [본문으로]
- vital ; 2. 극히 중대한, 절대 필요한, 불가결한 [본문으로]
- military government ; 군사 정부, 군정 [본문으로]
- civil liberties ; [NOUN] A person's civil liberties are the rights they have to say, think, and do what they want as long as they respect other people's rights. [본문으로]
- make gains ; 이윤을 내다 [본문으로]
- against the current ; 흐름[시류]을 거슬러 [본문으로]
- respond to ; ~에 대응하다 [본문으로]
- manifesto ; (pl. ~s, ~es) (군주·정부·정당·단체 따위가 발표하는) 선언, 성명(proclamation) ; 선언[성명]서, 포고문. [본문으로]
- set out ; 2. (일·과제 등에) 착수하다[나서다] [본문으로]
- recast ; 2. 고쳐 만들다, 고쳐 쓰다, 개조하다(remodel, reconstruct). [본문으로]
- cut free (from) ; (끊어) …을 자유롭게 하다 [본문으로]
- shut ; 5. <사람을> (…로부터) 배제하다, 제외하다(exclude);[~ oneself로] (…과) 관계를 끊다 ((from)); <물건을> (…로부터) 차단하다 [본문으로]
- shore up ; 2. (넘어지지 않도록) ~을 떠받치다 [본문으로]
- world order ; (정치학) <용어>세계질서 [본문으로]
- enhanced ; [형용사] (정도·가치·질 등을) 증대한; 높인, 강화한 [본문으로]
- reinvigorate ; [타동사][VN] 새로운 힘[활기]을 불어넣다 ;; [VERB] [tr] to put vitality and vigour back into (someone or something) ;; 미국∙영국 [ˌriːɪnˈvɪɡəreɪt] [본문으로]
- the essential value ; 본질적 가치 [본문으로]
- revival ; 2. [C, U] 부흥, 재유행 [본문으로]
- turmoil ; [U, sing.] 혼란, 소란 ;; 유의어 confusion ; [NOUN] Turmoil is a state of confusion, disorder, uncertainty, or great anxiety. [본문으로]
- by[in] contrast ;; 1. (《앞 문장을 받아》) 그에 반해서, 그와 대조적으로 [본문으로]
- suspicious ; 1. ~ (of/about sb/sth) (불법·부정행위를 한 것으로) 의혹을 갖는, 수상쩍어 하는 [본문으로]
- pretension ; [C, 주로 복수로, U] 2. ~ (to sth/to doing sth) | ~ (to do sth) (…라는·한다는) 주장, 자처 [본문으로]
- universal truth ; 보편적 진리 [본문으로]
- ruling class ; 지배계급, 지배층 [본문으로]
- engine ; 3. [비유적] 원동력, 주동력. [본문으로]
- contend ; 1. (격식) (특히 언쟁 중에) 주장하다 ; 유의어 maintain ;; 미국∙영국 [kənˈtend] [본문으로]
- for the better ; 보다 나은 쪽으로 [본문으로]
- from the bottom up ; 처음부터, 당초부터 완전히 [본문으로]
- differ from ; …와 다르다. [본문으로]
- coerce into ; …하도록 강요하다. [본문으로]
- assert ; 1. 단언하다, 역설하다, 강력히 주장하다 ; 유의어 declare [본문으로]
- aristocracy ; [C+sing./pl. v.] (pl. -ies) (일부 국가의) 귀족 (계층) ; 유의어 nobility [본문으로]
- hierarchy ; (pl. -ies) 1. [C, U] (특히 사회나 조직 내의) 계급[계층] ;; 2. [C + sing. / pl. v.] (큰 조직의) 지배층[고위층] ;; [NOUN] [usu with supp] A hierarchy is a system of organizing people into different ranks or levels of importance, for example in society or in a company. [본문으로]
- concentration of power ; 권력집중 [본문으로]
- oppression ; 1. 압박, 압제, 억압, 탄압, 학대; 심한 차별 ;; [NOUN] Oppression is the cruel or unfair treatment of a group of people. [본문으로]
- begin as ; …로 시작하다. [본문으로]
- restless ; 1. (지루하거나 따분해서) 가만히 못 있는[들썩이는] ;; 2. 제대로 쉬지[잠들지] 못하는 ; 유의어 disturbed [본문으로]
- world view ; [명사] 세계관 ;; [NOUN] A person's world view is the way they see and understand the world, especially regarding issues such as politics, philosophy, and religion. [본문으로]
- hunger after/for sh/sb ; to have a strong desire for something and try to get it [본문으로]
- preside over ; to lead or be in charge of a meeting, ceremony, etc. [본문으로]
- meritocracy ; (pl. -ies) 1. [C, U] 실력[능력]주의 (사회·국가) ;; 2. [sing.] the meritocracy (실력· 능력주의 사회·국가의) 실력자[엘리트]층 ;; [NOUN] A meritocracy is a society or social system in which people get status or rewards because of what they achieve, rather than because of their wealth or social status. [본문으로]
- clear-cut ; 1. 윤곽이 또렷한, 단정한, 명쾌한(sharply defined). ;; 2. (발음 따위가) 똑똑한(opp. woolly). ;; [ADJ] Something that is clear-cut is easy to recognize and quite distinct. [본문으로]
- at one’s best ; 가장 좋은 상태에서, 한창 때인. [본문으로]
- (a) competitive spirit ; 경쟁심 [본문으로]
- prosperity ; [U] 번영, 번성, 번창 ; 유의어 affluence [본문으로]
- a wealth of ; 풍부한 [본문으로]
- efficiency ; 1. [U] 효율(성), 능률 ;; [NOUN] Efficiency is the quality of being able to do a task successfully, without wasting time or energy. [본문으로]
- open up ; to become or to make something possible, available or able to be reached [본문으로]
- a barrier to ; …을 막는 장벽. [본문으로]
- advancement ; (격식) 1. [U, C] 발전, 진보 [본문으로]
- lift ; 3. (지위·처지·품위 따위를) 한층 향상시키다, 높이다, 고상하게 하다(elevate, exalt) ; 우쭐하게 하다(puff up). [본문으로]
- emerging market ; [명사] 신흥 (공업국) 시장. ;; [NOUN] a financial or consumer market in a newly developing country or former communist country [본문으로]
- shelter ; 1. [타동사][VN] ~ sb/sth (from sb/sth) (비바람위험 등을[으로부터]) 막아 주다[피할/쉴 곳을 제공하다], 보호하다 [본문으로]
- gale ; 2. (보통 gales) (감정·웃음 따위의) 폭발. ;; 4. [美구어] 야단법석; 흥분. ;; 미국∙영국 [ɡeɪl] [본문으로]
- creative destruction ; [명사] (경제) 창조[건설]적 파괴. ;; 낡은 것은 계속 파괴하고 새로운 것은 계속 창조하면서 끊임없이 경제구조를 혁신해 가는 산업개편 과정을 뜻하는 경제학 개념이다. 창조적 파괴라는 용어는 오스트리아 태생의 경제학자인 조지프 슘페터(Joseph Schumpeter)가 마르크스(Karl Marx) 이론을 참고하여 1942년 《자본주의, 사회주의와 민주주의(Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy)》라는 저서를 통해 전파하기 시작했다. 즉, 슘페터는 창조적 파괴라는 용어의 보편적 전파자이다. [본문으로]
- cushy ; ((cush·i·er; -i·est)) [속어] <일 등이> 편한, 쉬운(easy); 즐거운; [미·속어] 멋진, 화려한 ;; [ADJ] A cushy job or situation is pleasant because it does not involve much work or effort. [본문으로]
- profession ; 1. [C] (특히 많은 교육이 필요한 전문적인) 직업[직종] ;; 3. [pl.] the professions (의사·변호사 같은 전통적인) 전문직 [본문으로]
- fatuous ; [형용사] (격식) 어리석은, 얼빠진 ;; [ADJ] If you describe a person, action, or remark as fatuous, you think that they are extremely silly, showing a lack of intelligence or thought. [본문으로]
- enjoy ; 3. [타동사][VN] (격식) 누리다, 향유하다 [본문으로]
- tenure ; 2. (특히 대학 교수의) 종신 재직권 ;; 미국∙영국 [ˈtenjə(r)] [본문으로]
- preach ; 2. (특정 종교·생활 방식·체제 등을 남이 받아들이도록) 전하다, 설파[역설]하다 ;; 3. [자동사][V] (못마땅함) (도덕 기준·행동 등에 대해 특히 짜증나게) 설교하다 [본문으로]
- open society ; The open society was conceived in 1932 by French philosopher Henri Bergson. The idea was further developed during the Second World War by Austrian-born British philosopher Karl Popper. Bergson describes a closed society as a closed system of law or religion. It is static, like a closed mind. Bergson suggests that if all traces of civilization were to disappear, the instincts of the closed society for including or excluding others would remain. In contrast, an open society is dynamic and inclined to moral universalism. Popper saw the open society as part of a historical continuum reaching from the organic, tribal, or closed society, through the open society marked by a critical attitude to tradition, to the abstract or depersonalized society lacking all face-to-face interaction transactions. In open societies, the government is expected to be responsive and tolerant, and its political mechanisms transparent and flexible. It can be characterized as opposed to authoritarianism. [본문으로]
- financier ; [명사] 자본가, 금융업자 ;; [NOUN] A financier is a person, company, or government that provides money for projects or businesses. ;; 미국식 [ˌfɪnənˈsɪr] 영국식 [faɪˈnænsiə(r); fə-] [본문으로]
- spare ; 3. [주로 수동태로] ~ sb/sth (from sth) (격식) (특히 남들은 피할 수 없었던 상해죽음 등을) 피하게[면하게] 해 주다 [본문으로]
- bail somebody out (of something) ;; ~를 (곤경에서) 구하다 ;; 참고 bailout [명사] (심각한 재정 위기에 처한 기업·국가 등에 대한) 긴급 구제 [본문으로]
- taxpayer's money ; 납세자의 돈 [본문으로]
- pay-off ; 5. 이익(profit) ; 보수(reward), 보답(retribution). [본문으로]
- in all sorts of ways ; 다방면에서, 여러가지 방법, 방식으로, 모든 면에서, 온갖 종류의 방법으로 [본문으로]
- self-sustaining ; 1. 자립[자활]하는; 자급자족의 ;; [ADJ] A self-sustaining process or system is able to continue by itself without anyone or anything else becoming involved. [본문으로]
- prestigious ; [형용사] (주로 명사 앞에 씀) 명망 있는[높은], 일류의 [본문으로]
- admit ; 4. [타동사][VN] ~ sb (to/into sth) (단체·학교 등에서) 받아들이다, 가입[입학]을 허락하다 [본문으로]
- household ; 1. [집합적] 가족(family); (고용인 포함한) 식솔, 온 집안 식구; 가구(家口); 세대(世帶) ;; 경제활동의 결과 얻어진 대가를 수입원으로 하여 상품과 서비스의 최종적 소비활동을 영위하는 경제주체를 말한다. 가계는 경제분석에서 기업과 정부와 함께 경제활동을 영위하는 주체 중에서 중요한 부문을 구성한다. 구체적으로는 세대를 단위로 하며 세대는 생계를 같이하는 일단의 동거인을 총칭하는 개념이다. 국민계정(SNA)에서는 가계란 동일한 주거시설을 사용하고 소득과 부의 일부 또는 전부를 공유하며 특정 유형의 재화 및 서비스(주로 주거와 음식)를 집합적으로 소비하는 소규모 개인집단으로 정의된다. [본문으로]
- median income ; 중간 소득 ; Median income is the amount that divides the income distribution into two equal groups, half having income above that amount, and half having income below that amount. Mean income (average) is the amount obtained by dividing the total aggregate income of a group by the number of units in that group. Mode income is the most frequently occurring income in a given income distribution. Median income can be calculated by household income, by personal income, or for specific demographic groups. [본문으로]
- contain ; 3. (내용·성분으로서) …을 포함하다, …으로 이루어지다[구성되다]. ;; 7. (수량이) …와 같다, 맞먹다 (be equal to) [본문으로]
- urban area ; 시가지, (대)도시권 ; [NOUN] (in population censuses) a city area considered as the inner city plus built-up environs, irrespective of local body administrative boundaries [본문으로]
- output ; [U, sing.] 1. 생산량, 산출량 [본문으로]
- planning ; (특히 경제적·사회적) 계획, 입안 [본문으로]
- shut somebody/something out (of something) ;; 1. ~을 (~에) 못 들어가게 하다[차단하다] ;; 2. (생각·삶 등에서) ~을 배제[제외]시키다; (어떤 감정을) 떨쳐 버리다 [본문으로]
- be wrapped up in sth/sb ; ~에 몰두[열중]하다 [본문으로]
- status quo ; [sing.] (라틴어에서) 현재의 상황, 현상(現狀) ;; [NOUN] The status quo is the state of affairs that exists at a particular time, especially in contrast to a different possible state of affairs. [본문으로]
- conceal ; [타동사][VN] ~ sb/sth (from sb/sth) (격식) 감추다, 숨기다 ; 참조 ill-concealed [본문으로]
- a blizzard of ; 엄청나게 많은 ~; ex) a blizzard of situations [본문으로]
- dazzling ; [형용사] 눈부신, 휘황찬란한; 현혹적인 [본문으로]
- indistinguishable ; 구별[식별]할 수 없는, 분간할 수 없는[from]; 알아볼 수 없는. ‒̀bíl·i·ty, indistinguishable·ness 명사 -bly 부사 ;; 미국∙영국 [ˌɪndɪˈstɪŋɡwɪʃəbl] [본문으로]
- bland ; 4. 풍미 없는; 개성 없는 ;; 5. 김빠진, 재미없는 ;; 6. 무감동한, 냉담한 [본문으로]
- technocrat ; [명사] 테크노크라트(많은 권력을 행사하는 과학 기술 분야 전문가) ;; [NOUN] A technocrat is a scientist, engineer, or other expert who is one of a group of similar people who have political power as well as technical knowledge. [본문으로]
- contrive ; 2. [타동사][VN] (어려운 가운데도) 성사시키다 ;; [VERB] If you contrive an event or situation, you succeed in making it happen, often by tricking someone. [본문으로]
- fix ; [명사] 1. [C] (비격식) (특히 쉽거나 잠정적인) 해결책 [본문으로]
- conspicuously ; [부사] 눈에 띄게, 두드러지게 [본문으로]
- remain aloof (from) ; 초연한 자세를 취하다 [본문으로]
- doer ; [명사] (호감) 행동가, 실천가 ;; [NOUN] If you refer to someone as a doer, you mean that they do jobs promptly and efficiently, without spending a lot of time thinking about them. [본문으로]
- policymaker ; [명사] 정책 입안자[담당자] ;; [NOUN] In politics, policymakers are people who are involved in making policies and policy decisions. [본문으로]
- civic ; [주로 명사 앞에 씀] 1. (도)시의 ;; 2. 시민의 ;; [ADJ] [ADJ n] You use civic to describe people or things that have an official status in a town or city. [본문으로]
- centenary ; [명사] pl. -ies 100주년 ; 참조 bicentenary, tercentenary ;; [NOUN] The centenary of an event such as someone's birth is the 100th anniversary of that event. in AM, use centennial [본문으로]
- editorial ; (英 또한 leader, ˌleading ˈarticle) 사설 ;; [NOUN] An editorial is an article in a newspaper which gives the opinion of the editor or owner on a topic or item of news. [본문으로]
- rage ; 2. [자동사][V] ~ (on) (폭풍전투언쟁 등이) 맹렬히 계속되다, (계속) 맹위를 떨치다 ;; 3. [자동사][V, usually + adv. / prep.] (질병화재 등이) 급속히 번지다 [본문으로]
- set sth out ; 2. (말·글로 조리 있게) ~을 제시하다 [본문으로]
- complementary ; 1. 보충이 되는, 보충하는[to]; 서로 보완하는. ;; [ADJ] [usu ADJ n, also v-link ADJ to n] Complementary things are different from each other but make a good combination. ;; 미국식 [ˌkɑːm-] 영국식 [ˌkɒmplɪˈmentri] [본문으로]
- association ; (pl. associations[-z]) 1. [단·복수 양용] 협회, 조합, 회(會), 공동 단체. [본문으로]
- inclusive ; 3. 폭넓은, 포괄적인 ; 반의어 exclusive [본문으로]
- bubble ; 6. 특별한 장소; (도청 장치가 없는) 안전한 장소. [본문으로]
- remote from ; …로부터 멀리 떨어진. [본문으로]
- be content with ; …에 만족하다 [본문으로]
- material prosperity ; 물질적 번영. [본문으로]
- stagnate ; 1. [자동사] 침체되다, 부진해지다 [본문으로]
- fiscal austerity ; 긴축 재정 [본문으로]
- financial crisis ; [명사] 금융위기 ;; of 뒤에 발생한 년도를 표기한 것을 확인 [본문으로]
- corrode ; [자동사] 1. 부식하다, 부패하다 ;; 2. <사람·마음 등이> 좀먹다, 서서히 나빠지다 ; [VERB] If metal or stone corrodes, or is corroded, it is gradually destroyed by a chemical or by rust. [본문으로]
- unified ; [형용사] 통일된 [본문으로]
- retreat ; 1. (…에서/…로) 물러나다, 후퇴[퇴각]하다, 도망치다[from /to, into, on]. [본문으로]
- fragment ; [자, 타동사][V, VN] 산산이 부수다[부서지다], 해체되다[하다] [본문으로]
- identity politics ; 정체성 정치학 ((개인의 주요한 관심과 협력 관계는 인종·민족·종교·성에 기초하여 만들어진다는)) [본문으로]
- valid ; 2. (논리적으로) 타당한[근거 있는] [본문으로]
- collide with ; ~와 충돌하다 [본문으로]
- exercise ; 5. [C] ~ (in sth) (특정 결과를 가져오기 위한) 활동[일] [본문으로]
- tribal ; 부족의, 종족의; 동족적인. ;; [ADJ] Tribal is used to describe things relating to or belonging to tribes and the way that they are organized. [본문으로]
- exploit ; 1. [타동사] (못마땅함) (부당하게) 이용하다 ;; [VERB] If you say that someone is exploiting you, you think that they are treating you unfairly by using your work or ideas and giving you very little in return. [본문으로]
- insecurity ; 1. [U] 불안(감), 확신이 없음; 불안정, 위험 ;; 2. 불안정[불확실]한 것 [본문으로]
- engender ; [타동사][VN] (격식) (어떤 감정·상황을) 낳다[불러일으키다] ;; [VERB] If someone or something engenders a particular feeling, atmosphere, or situation, they cause it to occur. [본문으로]
- whip (sth/sb) up ; 1. (고의적으로) ~을 자극하다[흥분시키다] ;; to deliberately make somebody feel strong emotions or get excited about or interested in something [본문으로]
- smug ; [형용사] (못마땅함) 의기양양한, 우쭐해 하는 ; 유의어 complacent ;; [ADJ] If you say that someone is smug, you are criticizing the fact they seem very pleased with how good, clever, or lucky they are. [본문으로]
- be looked down on[upon] ; 괄시, 천대를 받다 [본문으로]
- paralysis ; (pl. par·aly·ses[-siːz]) 2. [U] (기능의) 마비 ;; 미국∙영국 [pəˈræləsɪs] [본문으로]
- tyranny of the majority ; 다수의 횡포 [본문으로]
- at (the) worst ; 최악의 경우에, 아무리 나빠도 [본문으로]
- embolden ; 1. [타동사] [주로 수동태로] (격식) 대담하게 만들다 ;; [VERB] If you are emboldened by something, it makes you feel confident enough to behave in a particular way. [본문으로]
- against a[the] backdrop of ;; …을 배경으로 [본문으로]
- hegemony ; [U, C] (pl. -ies) (격식) 헤게모니, 패권 ;; [NOUN] Hegemony is a situation in which one country, organization, or group has more power, control, or importance than others. [본문으로]
- by[in] contrast ; (《앞 문장을 받아》) 그에 반해서, 그와 대조적으로 [본문으로]
- saboteur ; [명사] 사보타주(sabotage)하는 사람, 파괴[방해] 공작원 ;; one that practices sabotage [본문으로]
- assert ; 3. [재귀적 용법] (자기의 권리·의견·존재 따위를) 주장하다 ; (천분<天分> 따위가) 드러나다, 나타나다 ; 주제넘게 나서다, 출썩거리다. [본문으로]
- impulse ; 1. [C, 주로 단수로, U] ~ (to do sth) (갑작스러운) 충동 [본문으로]
- pull back ; 2. (하려던 일을) 취소하다 [본문으로]
- misconception ; [C, U] ~ (about sth) (옳지 않거나 사람들이 제대로 이해하지 못하는 정보에 근거한) 오해 ;; 참조 preconception [본문으로]
- interwar ; [형용사] (명사 앞에만 씀) (세계 1, 2차) 양 대전 사이의 ;; [ADJ] of or happening in the period between World War I and World War II [본문으로]
- isolationism ; [U] 고립주의(다른 국가·단체의 일에 관여하지 않는다는 정책) ;; [NOUN] If you refer to isolationism, you are referring to a country's policy of avoiding close relationships with other countries and of not taking sides in disputes between other countries. [본문으로]
- switch from ~ to ; ~에서 ~로 바꾸다 [본문으로]
- post-war ; [형용사] (주로 명사 앞에 씀) 전후의(특히 제 2차 세계 대전 후의) ;; [ADJ] Post-war is used to describe things that happened, existed, or were made in the period immediately after a war, especially the Second World War, 1939-45. [본문으로]
- contain ; 5. [군사] 견제하다; <적국에> 봉쇄 정책을 쓰다; 저지하다 [본문으로]
- breed ; 3. [타동사][VN] …을 야기하다[불러오다] [본문으로]
- Bolshevism ; 1. 러시아 다수[과격]파의 주장[주의]. ;; 2. [때로 b-] (일반적으로) 과격주의, 과격사상(cf. Menshevism). [본문으로]
- statesman ; [명사] pl. -men[-mən] (경험 많고 존경받는) 정치인[정치가] ;; [NOUN] A statesman is an important and experienced politician, especially one who is widely known and respected. → see also elder statesman [본문으로]
- leaderless ; [형용사] 지도자[대표]가 없는 [본문으로]
- threat ; [명사] 2. [U, C, 주로 단수로] 위협(받는 상황), 위험 [본문으로]
- parlour (英) (美 par·lor) ; 1. (구식) (개인 주택의) 응접실[거실] ;; 2. [합성어에서] (특히 美) <특정한 상품·서비스를 제공하는 상점> ;; 참조 funeral parlour, massage parlour ;; 미국식 [ˈpɑːrl-] 영국식 [ˈpɑːlə(r)] [본문으로]
- loaded ; 6. (총이) 장전된; (카메라 등에) 필름(등)이 든 [본문으로]
- break-up ; [명사] 2. (단체·국가의) 해체 ;; [NOUN] [usu N of n, n N] The break-up of a marriage, relationship, or association is the act of it finishing or coming to an end because the people involved decide that it is not working successfully. [본문으로]
- underpin ; 1. [타동사] (격식) (주장 등을[의]) 뒷받침하다[근거를 대다] ;; [VERB] If one thing underpins another, it helps the other thing to continue or succeed by supporting and strengthening it. [본문으로]
- balance of power ; [sing.] 1. (국가 간·단체 간의) 권력 분립[세력 균형] ;; 2. 세력 균형의 결정권(더 크고 동등한 세력을 지닌 다른 두 그룹 중 하나를 지지할 수 있는 소그룹의 힘) ;; [NOUN] The balance of power is the way in which power is distributed between rival groups or countries. [본문으로]
- sphere of influence ; 세력 범위(한 나라가 다른 나라에 대하여 미치는 정치 경제상의 영향; 그러한 영향을 받는 나라) ;; [NOUN] a region of the world in which one state is dominant [본문으로]
- grapple with ; ~을 해결하려고 노력하다 ;; to try to deal with a difficult situation or solve a difficult problem [본문으로]
- culminate ; [자동사][V] ~ (in/with sth) (격식) (~으로) 끝이 나다[막을 내리다] ;; [VERB] If you say that an activity, process, or series of events culminates in or with a particular event, you mean that event happens at the end of it.;; 미국∙영국 [ˈkʌlmɪneɪt] [본문으로]
- muddy ; (muddier, muddiest) 1. 진창인, 진흙투성이인 [본문으로]
- foe ; (pl. foes[-z]) 《문어》 [문어·시어] 적, 원수; 적수; (주의에 대한) 반대자; 해로운 것, 장애가 되는 것 ((of)) ;; 유의어 enemy ;; 미국식 [foʊ] 영국식 [fəʊ] [본문으로]
- "~의 품으로" 에 대한 표현으로 drive sb/sth into the arms of ~ 를사용한것을 확인 [본문으로]
- dismiss ; 1. [타동사] ~ sb/sth (as sth) (고려할 가치가 없다고) 묵살[일축]하다 ;; 유의어 wave aside [본문으로]
- bigot ; [명사] 편견이 아주 심한 사람 ;; 미국∙영국 [ˈbɪɡət] [본문으로]
- self-preserving ; [형용사] 자기 보존의, 자위적인. [본문으로]
- disruptive ; [형용사] 지장을 주는 ;; [ADJ] To be disruptive means to prevent something from continuing or operating in a normal way. [본문으로]
- Corn Law ; [the ~] [영국사] 곡물 조령 ((곡물 수입에 중세를 과한 법률; 1846년 폐지)) [본문으로]
- Victorian Britain ; The United Kindom of Great Britain and Ireland, 1836-1901 (although this is usually extended to 1705-1914). A period of Great prosperity as Britains' second empire (the only remnants of the medievel empire after the end of the hundred years war decision in 1556 were the Channel Islands) came of age. Along with the starting points of joining England & wales with Scotland in 1705, the new empire set about restoring lands lost after the "Golden age", and this was overseen by Queen Victoria. Due to the fact that the poor were suppressed while the rich grew very rich and well educated with beautiful accents (like myself), the stereotype of the posh-Brit grew. This empire was practically gone by 1965, although this had been seen by Churchill as early as the end of world war I. However, in this time Britain became the largest superpower ever known. Off the back of what seemed and invincible navy, a skilled army and even the worlds' first air force (with air balloons, albeit), this mighty roaring lion seemed untameable until drawn into war with other superpowers, which allowed a weak-by-comparison nation (USA) to become powerful. [본문으로]
- comically ; [부사] 익살맞게, 우습게. [본문으로]
- small-bore ; 1. (총이) 소구경의 ;; 2. (비격식, 특히 美) 하찮은 [본문으로]
- gentry ; [pl.복수취급] (보통 the gentry) (구식) 상류층 (사람들), 신사[양반]들 ;; 미국∙영국 [ˈdʒentri] [본문으로]
- precariat ; (노동) 프레카리아트, 불안정한(precarious)과 프롤레타리아트(proletariat)를 합성한 조어 ;; 불안정한 고용ㆍ노동 상황에 놓인 비정규직ㆍ파견직ㆍ실업자ㆍ노숙자들을 총칭한다. 불안정한 프롤레타리아트(무산계급(無産階級))라는 뜻으로, 신자유주의 경제체제에서 등장한 신노동자 계층을 말한다. 이탈리아에서 2003년 최초로 사용하기 시작해, 2005년 프랑스 최고고용계약법 관련 시위에서 쓰인 바 있다. 전 세계적으로 우리나라의 '88만 원 세대', 일본의 '잃어버린 세대', 유럽의 '700유로 세대' 등 불안정 계층은 점차 젊은층으로 확산되고 있어 사회적으로 문제가 되고 있다. [본문으로]
- side with somebody (against somebody/something) ;; (~에 반대하여) ~의 편을 들다 [본문으로]
- patrician ; 1. (일반적으로) 고위 인사; 귀족(aristocrat); 명문 출신 인사. ;; 미국∙영국 [pəˈtrɪʃn] [본문으로]
- rediscover ; [VERB] If you rediscover something good or valuable that you had forgotten or lost, you become aware of it again or find it again. [본문으로]
- self-reliance ; [U] 자기 의존, 독립독행 ;; [NOUN] Self-reliance is the ability to do things and make decisions by yourself, without needing other people to help you [본문으로]
- curb ; [타동사][VN] (특히 좋지 못한 것을) 억제[제한]하다 ; 유의어 check [본문으로]
- sneer at ; …을 비웃다. [본문으로]
- inclusive ; 3. 폭넓은, 포괄적인 ; 반의어 exclusive [본문으로]
- civic pride ; 시민으로서의 자긍심 [본문으로]
- lodge ; 4. <권능 등을> 위임하다 ((with, in)) [본문으로]
- centralize ; [타동사][VN] 중앙집권화하다 ;; [VERB] To centralize a country, state, or organization means to create a system in which one central group of people gives instructions to regional groups. [본문으로]
- unaccountable ; 2. ~ (to sb/sth) 책임을 질[해명을 할] 필요가 없는 ; 반의어 accountable [본문으로]
- technocracy ; [U, C] (pl. -ies) 테크노크라시(과학 기술 분야 전문가들이 많은 권력을 행사하는 정치 및 사회 체제) ;; [NOUN] A technocracy is a group of scientists, engineers, and other experts who have political power as well as technical knowledge. [본문으로]
- devolve something to/on/upon somebody ;; ~을 ~에(게) 위임하다 ;; to give work, duties, power or responsibility to somebody with less authority than you [본문으로]
- municipality ; [명사] pl. -ies (시·읍 등의) 지방 자치제; 지방 자치제 당국 ;; [NOUN] In Britain, a municipality is a city or town which is governed by its own locally-appointed officials. You can also refer to a city's or town's local government as a municipality. ;; 미국∙영국 [mjuːˌnɪsɪˈpæləti] [본문으로]
- zero-sum ; [형용사] <게임·관계 등이> 쌍방 득실(得失)의 차가 무(無)인 [본문으로]
- draw on[upon] ; (이용 가능한 공급품에) 의지하다 ;; to use something that you have or that is available to help you do something [본문으로]
- self-reinforcing ; [형용사] tending or serving to strengthen itself : reinforcing itself [본문으로]
- triad ; 1. (격식) 세 개 한 벌(로 된 것), 3인조 ;; 미국∙영국 [ˈtraɪæd] [본문으로]
- military might ; 군사력 [본문으로]
- pragmatic ; [형용사] 실용적인, [철학] 실용주의의 ; 유의어 realistic ;; [ADJ] A pragmatic way of dealing with something is based on practical considerations, rather than theoretical ones. A pragmatic person deals with things in a practical way. [본문으로]
- adaptable ; [형용사] (호감) (새로운 환경에) 적응할 수 있는 ;; [ADJ] If you describe a person or animal as adaptable, you mean that they are able to change their ideas or behaviour in order to deal with new situations. [본문으로]
- take on ; 2. (수동태로는 안 씀) ~와 시합을 하다[겨루다/싸우다] [본문으로]
- robber baron ; [영국사] (중세의) 노상강도 귀족; [미] (19세기 후반의) 벼락부자; 악덕 자본가 ;; 노상 강도 귀족(자기의 영지를 지나가는 여행자를 털었음), (19세기 후반의) 악덕 자본가. [본문으로]
- monopoly ; 2. 전매[독점] 회사[조합, 기업] [본문으로]
- mob rule, mob justice)이란 다수의 어리석은 민중이 이끄는 정치를 이르는 말로, 민주주의의 단점을 부각시킨 것이다. 플라톤은 다수의 난폭한 폭민들이 이끄는 정치라는 뜻의 ‘폭민정치’라고 하였고, 그의 제자 아리스토텔레스는 다수의 빈민들이 이끄는 ‘빈민정치’라고도 하였다. 이런 중우정치는 올바른 민주제가 시행되지 못하고, 하나 또는 몇몇 집단이 수를 앞세워 정치를 이끌어가는 형태로, 민주주의의 단점이 심해지면 만들어지는 정치이다. 플라톤은 아테네의 몰락을 보면서, 그 원인으로 '중우정치'를 꼽았다. 그에 따르면 '중우정치'의 병폐를 다음과 같이 손꼽았다.[1] 첫째, 대중적 인기에 집중하고 요구에 무조건 부응하는 사회적 병리현상 둘째, 개인의 능력과 자질 그리고 기여도 등을 고려하지 않는 그릇된 평등관 셋째, 개인이 절제와 시민적 덕목을 경시하고 무절제와 방종으로 치닫는 현상 넷째, 엘리트주의를 부정하고 다중의 정치로 흘러가 중우정치의 양태로 변질될 가능성 [본문으로]
- embrace ; 2. [VN] (격식) (생각·제의 등을 열렬히) 받아들이다[수용하다] [본문으로]
- partly ; [부사] 부분적으로, 어느 정도 [본문으로]
- vigour (英) (美 vigor) ; [U] 활기, 활력, 열의 ; 유의어 vitality ;; 미국∙영국 [ˈvɪɡə(r)] [본문으로]
- prevail ; 2. [자동사] ~ (against/over sth) (격식) (사상·견해 등이, 특히 투쟁·논쟁 끝에) 승리하다[이기다] ; 유의어 triumph ;; 3. [자동사][V] ~ (against/over sb) (격식) (특히 오랜 투쟁 끝에 적수를) 이기다 [본문으로]
- be unmatched for ; …면에서도 비할 자가 없다. [본문으로]
- prosperity ; [U] 번영, 번성, 번창 ; 유의어 affluence ;; [NOUN] Prosperity is a condition in which a person or community is doing well financially. [본문으로]
- embrace ; 2. [VN] (격식) (생각·제의 등을 열렬히) 받아들이다[수용하다] [본문으로]
- rekindle ; [타동사][VN] (격식) (감정·생각 등을) 다시 불러일으키다[불붙이다] ; 유의어 reawaken [본문으로]
- impatient for ; …을 초조하게 기다리는. [본문으로]
- contest ; 2. ~ (for sth) (주도권이나 권력) 다툼[경쟁] ;; 2. 논쟁, 논전(dispute) [본문으로]
- press ahead/on (with something) (press forward [less frequent]) ; to continue moving forward quickly; to continue to do a task in a determined way [본문으로]
- obstruct ; 2. [타동사] (일의 진행 등을) 방해하다 ; 유의어 hinder [본문으로]
- renew ; 3. 재차[거듭] 강조하다 ; 유의어 reiterate, repeat [본문으로]
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