[Annotated] It is not too late to stop the break-up of Spain

To avoid calamity^[각주:1], ask Catalans what they really want

When a democracy sends riot police^[각주:2] to beat old ladies over the head with batons^[각주:3] and stop them voting, something has gone badly wrong. Catalans say that almost 900 people were hurt by police in the referendum^[각주:4] for independence on October 1st. Whatever the provocation from^[각주:5] Catalan leaders in staging^[각주:6] an unconstitutional poll^[각주:7], the reaction of Mariano Rajoy, the prime minister, has thrown Spain into^[각주:8] its worst constitutional crisis since an attempted coup in 1981.

If Mr Rajoy thought that cracking heads would put a stop to^[각주:9] secessionism^[각주:10], he could not have been more wrong^[각주:11]. He has only created a stand-off^[각주:12] that has energized^[각주:13] his enemies and shocked his friends. On October 3rd Catalonia, one of Spain's richest regions, was paralyzed by^[각주:14] a protest strike. Hundreds of thousands of demonstrators have marched to express their outrage^[각주:15]. 

Secession^[각주:16] would be a disaster for Spain. The country would lose its second city and risk the further loss of the Basque region. Secession would also hurt Catalans, which is why a majority of them probably oppose it. And Catalan independence might stir up^[각주:17] separatism^[각주:18] elsewhere in Europe - in Scotland again, no doubt, but also in northern Italy, in Corsica, perhaps even in Bavaria. To prevent the crisis deepening^[각주:19], both sides need to seek a new constitutional settlement^[각주:20]. Instead, they are digging in and Catalonia is on the brink of^[각주:21] unilaterally^[각주:22] - and illegally - declaring independence^[각주:23]. 

After Franco 

Spain has a historical fear of dismemberment^[각주:24]. Catalan secessionism was one of the factors that brought about^[각주:25] the Spanish civil war of the 1930s. Many Spaniards^[각주:26] no doubt share the anger of King Felipe who, in a rare televised speech^[각주:27], denounced^[각주:28] Catalonia's leaders for irresponsibly and disloyally^[각주:29] tearing up the constitution of^[각주:30] 1978. After all, Catalans overwhelmingly^[각주:31] endorsed^[각주:32] that settlement, which entrenched^[각주:33] democracy, brought prosperity^[각주:34] and granted a large dose of^[각주:35] autonomy^[각주:36] to Spanish regions, including Catalonia. 

A well-run^[각주:37] democracy must abide by^[각주:38] the rule of law. That is what protects democratic liberties^[각주:39], not least^[각주:40] the freedom of minorities to express discontent^[각주:41]    . Until referendum day, nobody who experienced the vibrancy of^[각주:42] Barcelona could seriously claim that Catalonia was oppressed^[각주:43]. With few exceptions, notably^[각주:44] when empires collapse, the world generally favors national unity over self-determination^[각주:45] by subnational groups^[각주:46]. Many of the states liberated by^[각주:47] the break-up of^[각주:48] the Soviet empire joined the European Union, but these days the EU is wary^[각주:49], warning would-be^[각주:50] secessionists that new states have no automatic right to^[각주:51] join. Without Spain's support, Catalonia would find itself on the wrong side of a new customs wall.

For all these reasons the Catalan leader, Carles Puigdemont, does not have a strong case for^[각주:52] independence. Nor can he claim a real mandate^[각주:53]. He rammed^[각주:54] the laws authorizing the referendum through the Catalan parliament with a narrow majority^[각주:55] and without proper debate. Those laws have no formal legal standing^[각주:56]. Before his referendum, opinion polls^[각주:57] suggested that only 40-45% of Catalans wanted to break away^[각주:58]. The 90% vote to leave was 90% of an unregistered turnout of^[각주:59] well under half, because Catalonia's Remainers mostly declined to^[각주:60] take part^[각주:61]. As with populists elsewhere^[각주:62], Mr Puigdemont has offered a simplistic vision^[각주:63], without explaining the costs of independence or how it might come about^[각주:64].

But that is not the end of the story. Democracy rests on^[각주:65] the consent of the governed^[각주:66]. Even some who disagree with Mr Puigdemont's methods believe Catalonia has a case for nationhood^[각주:67]. It could survive economically. A lot of its people think it constitutes a nation^[각주:68]. Under autonomy^[각주:69], Catalan leaders have promoted their language and their nationalist creed^[각주:70]. 

The pain in Spain 

Whatever the legality of^[각주:71] separatism, once the desire for independence reaches a critical point^[각주:72], governments must deal with it in three ways: crush it, bow to^[각주:73] it, or negotiate in good faith^[각주:74], knowing that separation^[각주:75] may still be the outcome^[각주:76]. 

Mr Rajoy has failed to grasp^[각주:77] the nature of^[각주:78] this choice. First he blocked the nationalists in the courts and, last weekend, he resorted to force^[각주:79]. His deployment of policemen to suppress^[각주:80] the Catalan vote was not only a propaganda gift to them but, more important, crossed a line^[각주:81]. Aggression against^[각주:82] crowds of peaceful citizens may work in Tibet but cannot be sustained in^[각주:83] a Western democracy. In the contest between^[각주:84] formal justice and natural justice, natural justice wins eventually every time. Constitutions exist to serve citizens, not the other way around^[각주:85]. Rather than uphold^[각주:86] the rule of law as he intended, Mr Rajoy ended up tarnishing^[각주:87] the legitimacy of^[각주:88] the Spanish state.

Will Mr Puigdemont declare independence? That would be reckless^[각주:89] and irresponsible but, if he does, Mr Rajoy should resist the temptation to arrest^[각주:90] Catalan leaders and, for the time being^[각주:91], avoid using his power to suspend regional rule^[각주:92]. Just not, either measure^[각주:93] would only compound his mistakes^[각주:94]. 

Only a negotiation can restore calm^[각주:95] and it should start immediately. Even now most Catalans can probably still be won over with^[각주:96] the offer of greater autonomy, including the power to raise and keep more of their own taxes, more protection for the Catalan language and some kind of recognition of the Catalans as a "nation". Mr Rajoy might even take up^[각주:97] the opposition Socialists' idea of turning Spain into^[각주:98] a federal state^[각주:99]. 

Any settlement^[각주:100], though, must include the option of a referendum on independence. Separation would be a wrenching change for^[각주:101] Catalonia and the rest of Spain, so should not be done lightly^[각주:102]. A majority of Catalans eligible to^[각주:103] vote should be the minimum threshold for^[각주:104] independence. A follow-up vote on^[각주:105] the terms of a separation might be wise, too.

For all his deficiencies^[각주:106], David Cameron, the former British prime minister, was right about allowing a referendum on Scottish independence in 2014. He made the case for Scotland to stay, and won the vote convincingly^[각주:107]. Mr Rajoy should do the same. The case for the unity of Spain is strong. But it must be won by force of argument^[각주:108]. By using force alone, Mr Rajoy is not preventing the break-up of^[각주:109] Spain, but hastening it^[각주:110]. 

1. calamity ; [C , U] (pl. -ies) 재앙, 재난 ;; 미국∙영국 [kə|lӕməti] [본문으로]
2. riot police ; [명사] 폭동 진압 경찰 [본문으로]
3. baton ; 미국식 [bə|tɑ:n] 영국식 [|bӕtɒn;-tɒ~] 1. (특히 英) 동의어 truncheon ;; (또한 baton , 美 주로 night・stick) 경찰봉 [본문으로]
4. referendum ; [C , U] (pl. ref・er・en・dums 또는 ref・er・enda) ~ (on sth) 국민 투표, 총선거 [본문으로]
5. provocation ; [U , C] 도발, 자극; 화낼 이유 [본문으로]
6. stage ; 2. (면밀한 계획이 필요한 일을, 특히 대중 시위로) 벌이다 [본문으로]
7. unconstitutional ; [형용사] 헌법에 위배되는 [본문으로]
8. throw ... into ...; 1. (어떤 상태에) 빠뜨리다 [본문으로]
9. put[give] a stop to ; …을 멈추다, 중지[정지]시키다, 끝내다 [본문으로]
10. secessionism ; 1. 탈퇴론, 분리론.; [U] 분리론; [건축·공예] 시세션 운동, 분리파 [본문으로]
11. could not have been more wrong ; 완전히 잘못되다 [본문으로]
12. stand-off ; [명사] ~ (between A and B) (회담 등의) 교착 상태 [본문으로]
13. energize ; 1. 열기[열정]를 돋우다 2. 활기[기운]를 북돋우다 [본문으로]
14. paralyze ; 2. 무력[무능]하게 만들다; 쓸모없게 만들다; 무효가 되게 하다 [본문으로]
15. outrage ; 1. [U] 격분, 격노 [본문으로]
16. secession ; [U , C] ~ (from sth) (주・국가 등의) 분리 독립 ;; 미국·영국 [sɪ|seʃn] [본문으로]
17. stir up ; ~를 고무하다[각성시키다], (강한 감정을) 불러일으키다 [본문으로]
18. separatism ; [U] (정치·인종·종교상의) 분리 주의[상태](opp. unionism) [본문으로]
19. deepen ; 2. 악화되다; 악화시키다 [본문으로]
20. settlement ; 1. [C] (분쟁 등을 끝내는 공식적인) 합의 [본문으로]
21. on the brink of ; [부사] …의 직전에. ;; 동의어 ; on the verge of. [본문으로]
22. unilaterally ; [부사] 일방적으로; [법률] 편무적으로; [식물] 한쪽에 치우치게. [본문으로]
23. declare ; 1. 선언[선포/공표]하다 [본문으로]
24. dismemberment ; [명사] 절단; 축소; 분할. [본문으로]
25. bring about ; 야기하다, 유발, 초래하다; 항해 <배의> 방향을 돌리다 [본문으로]
26. Spaniard ; [명사] 스페인 사람 ;; 미국∙영국 [spǽnjərd] [본문으로]
27. televised ; TV로 방송되는 [본문으로]
28. denounce ; [vn], (참고: denunciation) 1. ~ sb/sth (as sth) 맹렬히 비난하다 [본문으로]
29. disloyally ; [부사] 불충실하게. [본문으로]
30. tear up ; (서류 등을) 갈기갈기 찢다[파기하다] [본문으로]
31. overwhelmingly ; [부사] 압도적으로; 불가항력적으로; 극도로. [본문으로]
32. endorse ; 1. (공개적으로) 지지하다 [본문으로]
33. entrench ; [타동사][VN] [주로 수동태로] (때로 못마땅함) (변경이 어렵도록) 단단히 자리 잡게 하다 [본문으로]
34. bring prosperity to ; ~을 부유하게 하다 [본문으로]
35. dose ; 2. (비격식) (어느 정도의) 양, 약간 [본문으로]
36. autonomy ; [U] 1. 자치권 [본문으로]
37. well-run ; [형용사] 운영이 잘 되는 [본문으로]
38. abide by ; [동사] 준수하다, 지키다; …에 따라 행동하다, 감수하다, (법률·합의 등을) 따르다 ;; 동의어 ; comply with, observe. [본문으로]
39. liberty ; 3. [C] (합법적인 권리로서의) 자유 ;; 참고 ; civil liberty [본문으로]
40. not least ; 특히 [본문으로]
41. discontent ; [U , C] (또한 dis・con・tent・ment / 'dɪskən|tentmənt /) ~ (at/over/with sth) 불만; 불만스러운 것 ;; 참고 ; contentment [본문으로]
42. vibrancy ; [명사] 진동, 공명, 반향, 맥동. [본문으로]
43. oppress ; [vn] 1. 탄압[억압]하다 [본문으로]
44. notably ; 1. 특히 [본문으로]
45. self-determination ; [U] 1. 민족 자결권 2. (개인의) 자결권, 자결 능력 [본문으로]
46. subnational ; Forming a subdivision of a nation; contained entirely within a nation.;; Any of the counties and administrative counties (such as Ireland was to Britain) of the historical sub-national divisions used for the purposes of geographic demarcation and local government [본문으로]
47. liberate ; [vn] 1. ~ sb/sth (from sb/sth) (국가・사람을 억압・속박으로부터) 해방시키다 [본문으로]
48. break-up ; 2. (단체・국가의) 해체 [본문으로]
49. wary ; (비교급 wari・er 최상급 wari・est) ~ (of sb/sth) | ~ (of doing sth) 경계하는, 조심하는 ;; 참고 ; unwary [본문으로]
50. would-be ; [형용사] (명사 앞에만 씀) (장차) …이 되려고 하는[…을 지망하는] [본문으로]
51. automatic ; 3. (어떤 행동・상황에 대한 결과가) 자동적으로 따라오는 [본문으로]
52. a strong case ; 강력한 논거. [본문으로]
53. mandate ; 4. (특히 과거 다른 국가나 지역에 대한) 위임 통치권 [본문으로]
54. ram ; 2. [타동사][VN + adv. / prep.] (억지로) 밀어넣다, 쑤셔 넣다 [본문으로]
55. narrow majority ; 간신히 이루어진 과반수, 근소한 (득표 수) 차이. [본문으로]
56. legal standing ; 당사자적격, 법적 지위, 법적 정당성 [본문으로]
57. opinion poll ; [명사] 여론 조사. [본문으로]
58. break away ; 2. (정당·국가 등에서) 독립하다 ;; 참고 ; breakaway [본문으로]
59. turnout ; [C , U], [주로 단수로] 2. 투표자의 수, 투표율 ;; [본문으로]
60. decline to ; ~하는 것을 거절하다 [본문으로]
61. take part (in) ; …에 참여[참가]하다, 가담하다; 협력하다 [본문으로]
62. elsewhere ; [부사] (어딘가) 다른 곳에서[으로] [본문으로]
63. vision ; 2. [C] 환상, 상상 [본문으로]
64. come about ; [동사] 생기다, 일어나다; 바뀌다. ;; 동의어 ; happen, take place; change. [본문으로]
65. rest on ; ~에 기초하다, ;; 1. ~에 달려 있다[의지하다] [본문으로]
66. the governed ; 피치자, 통치 아래에 있는 사람 [본문으로]
67. nationhood ; [U] 국민임, 국민의 신분; 독립 국가의 지위 [본문으로]
68. constitute ; 3. [타동사][VN] [주로 수동태로] (어떤 단체를) 설립[설치]하다 [본문으로]
69. autonomy ; [U] 1. 자치권 [본문으로]
70. creed ; 1. (종교적) 교리; 신념, 신조 [본문으로]
71. legality ; (pl. -ies), (참고: illegality) 1. [U] 합법성, 적법성 [본문으로]
72. critical point ; 임계점 ;; 저온상에서 고온상으로 상이 변화할 때, 저온상이 존재할 수 있는 한계온도·압력을 말한다. 일반적인 물리학에서는 부분적으로만 혼합되는 두 액체의 경계가 소실됨으로써 완전히 일체화 되는 경우의 온도와 압력을 말한다. ;; 흐름상 "의견, 태도가 바뀌거나 결정되는 결정적 계기나 시점" 정도의 의미 [본문으로]
73. bow to ; (마지못해) 인정하다[받아들이다] [본문으로]
74. in good faith ; 옳다고 믿고[신념을 갖고], 성실하게 [본문으로]
75. separation ; 1. [U , sing.] ~ (from sb/sth) | ~ (between A and B) 분리, 구분 [본문으로]
76. outcome ; 결과 [본문으로]
77. grasp ; 2. 완전히 이해하다, 파악하다 [본문으로]
78. nature ; 4. BASIC QUALITIES | [sing.] 본질 [본문으로]
79. resort to ; (다른 대안이 없어서, 특히 좋지 못한 것에) 기대다[의지하다] [본문으로]
80. suppress ; [vn] 1. (보통 못마땅함) (정부・통치자 등이) 진압하다 [본문으로]
81. cross ; 1. GO/PUT ACROSS | ~ (over) (from…) (to/into…) | ~ (over) (sth) (가로질러) 건너다; 가로지르다, 횡단하다 [본문으로]
82. aggression ; 2. 공격, 침략 [본문으로]
83. sustain ; 2. 계속[지속]시키다 [본문으로]
84. contest ; 2. ~ (for sth) (주도권이나 권력) 다툼[경쟁] [본문으로]
85. the other way around[round] ; 반대로, 거꾸로 [본문으로]
86. uphold ; (up・held , up・held / -'held /), [vn] 1. (법・원칙 등을) 유지시키다[옹호하다] [본문으로]
87. tarnish ; 2. [타동사][VN] (평판을) 더럽히다[손상시키다] [본문으로]
88. legitimacy ; 1. 합법성, 적법; 합리[타당]성 2. 적출(嫡出); 정통, 정계(正系) [본문으로]
89. reckless ; [형용사] 무모한, 신중하지 못한; 난폭한 [본문으로]
90. resist ; 3. [보통 부정문에 쓰여] (몹시 하고 싶은 것을 하지 않고) 참다[견디다] [본문으로]
91. for the time being ; 당분간, 당장(當場)에. [본문으로]
92. suspend ; 2. (공식적으로) 유예[중단]하다 [본문으로]
93. measure ; 1. OFFICIAL ACTION | [C] ~ (to do sth) (특정 목적을 달성하기 위한) 조치[정책] ;; 참고 ; half measures ;; either 다음에는 단수명사가 오고 both 다음에는 복수명사가 온다는 것에 주의하시길 바랍니다. 내용상 '양쪽‘을 의미하지만 'either'는 기본적으로 ’둘 중에 어느 한 쪽‘을 나타내기 때문입니다. [본문으로]
94. compound ; [vn] 1. [흔히 수동태로] 악화시키다, 더 심각하게 만들다 [본문으로]
95. calm ; [C , U] 1. 평온; 진정 [본문으로]
96. win over ; 설득하다, 자기편으로 끌어들이다, …을 설득시키다; …의 지원이나 동정을 얻는 데 성공하다 [본문으로]
97. take up ; 채택하다, 받아들이다, (특히 이미 끝난 데서 시작하여) 계속하다, 시작하다 [본문으로]
98. turn ... into ; ~을 (~에서) ~이 되게 하다[~으로 바꿔 놓다] [본문으로]
99. federal state ; 연방 국가 [본문으로]
100. settlement ; 1. [C] (분쟁 등을 끝내는 공식적인) 합의 2. [U] (분쟁 등의) 해결 [본문으로]
101. wrenching ; [형용사] 비통한, 고통스러운 [본문으로]
102. lightly ; 4. (진지하게 고려하지 않고) 가볍게 [본문으로]
103. be eligible to ; ~할 자격이 있다 [본문으로]
104. minimum threshold ; (전력) 최저 임계 기준, 최저 하한 기준 [본문으로]
105. follow-up ; [명사] 후속 조치; 후속편 [본문으로]
106. deficiency ; 2. [C] 결점, 결함 [본문으로]
107. convincingly ; [부사] 납득이 가도록, 설득력 있게, 확실하게 [본문으로]
108. force of (an) argument ; 토론, 논의, 설득력 [본문으로]
109. break-up ; 2. (단체・국가의) 해체 [본문으로]
110. hasten ; 2. [타동사][VN] (격식) (어떤 사건을) 재촉하다[앞당기다] [본문으로]