[Annotated] Teenagers are better behaved and less hedonistic nowadays

But they are also lonelier and more isolated 

At the gates of Santa Monica College, in Los Angeles, a young man with a skateboard is hanging out near a group of people who are smoking marijuana in view of^[각주:1] the campus police^[각주:2]. His head is clouded^[각주:3], too - but with worry, not weed^[각주:4]. He frets about^[각주:5] his student loans^[각주:6] and the difficulty of finding a job, even fearing that he might end up homeless^[각주:7]. "Not to sound intense^[각주:8]," he adds, but robots are taking work from humans. He neither smokers nor drinks much. The stigma against^[각주:9] such things is stronger than it was for his parents' generation, he explains. 

Young people are indeed behaving and thinking differently from previous cohorts^[각주:10] at the same age. These shifts can be seen in^[각주:11] almost every rich country, from America to the Netherlands to^[각주:12] South Korea. Some have been under way for many years^[각주:13], but they have accelerated^[각주:14] in the past few. Not all of them are benign^[각주:15]. 

Perhaps the most obvious change is that teenagers are getting drunk less often. They start drinking later: the average age at which young Australians first try alcohol has risen from 14.4 to 16.1 since 1998. And even when they start, they sip^[각주:16] rather than chug^[각주:17]. In Britain, where a fifth of 16- to 24-year-olds do not drink at all, the number of pubs is falling by about 1,000 a year, and nightclubs are faring even worse^[각주:18]. In the past young people went out for a drink and perhaps had something to eat at the same time^[각주:19], says Kate Nicholls, head of the Association of Licensed Multiple Retailers, a trade group^[각주:20]. Now it is the other way round^[각주:21]. 

Other drugs are also falling from favour^[각주:22]. Survey by the European Monitoring Center for Drugs and Drug Addiction show that the proportion of^[각주:23] 15- to 16-year-olds who have tried cigarettes has been falling since 1999. A rising proportion of teenagers have never tried anything mind-altering^[각주:24], including alcohol, tobacco, cannabis^[각주:25], inhalants^[각주:26] and sedatives^[각주:27]. The proportion of complete abstainers rose from^[각주:28] 11% to 31% in Sweden between 2003 and 2015, and from 23% to an astounding 61% in Iceland. In America, all illicit drugs except^[각주:29] marijuana (which is not illicit everywhere) have become less popular. Mercifully^[각주:30], the decline in teenage opioid use is especially steep^[각주:31]. 

Nor are young people harming each other as much as they used to. Fighting among 13- and 15-yaer-olds is down across Europe. Juvenile crime^[각주:32] and anti-social behavior^[각주:33] have dropped in England and Wales, and with them the number of juvenile convicts^[각주:34]. In 2007 almost 3,000 young people were in custody^[각주:35]; by 2016 the number was below 1,000.

Teenagers are also having less sex, especially of the procreative kind^[각주:36]. In 1991, 54% of American teenagers in grades nine to 12 (ages 14-18) reported that they were sexually experienced, and 19% claimed to have had sex with at least four partners. In 2015 those proportions were 41% and 12%. America's teenage birth rate crashed by^[각주:37] two-thirds during the same period. As with alcohol, the abstention from^[각주:38] sex seems to be carrying through into^[각주:39] early adulthood. Jean Twenge, a psychologist at San Diego State University in California, has shown that the proportion of Americans aged 20-24 who report having no sexual partner since the age of 18 rose from 6.3 for the cohort born in the late 1960s to 15.2% for those born in the early 1990s. Japan is a more extreme case. In 2015, 47% of unmarried^[각주:40] 20- to 24-year-old Japanese men said they had never had sex with a woman, up from 34% in 2002.

In short^[각주:41], young people are less hedonistic^[각주:42] and break fewer rules than in the past. They are "kind of boring", Shoko Yoneyama, an expert on Japanese teenagers at the University of Adelaide. What is going on?

They tuck you up^[각주:43]

One possible explanation is that family life has changed. A study of 11 countries by Giulia Dotti Sani and Judith Treas, two academics, found that parents spend much more time on child care^[각주:44]. In America, the average parent spent 88 minutes a day primarily^[각주:45] looking after children in^[각주:46] 2012 - up from 41 minutes in 1965. Fathers have upped their child-care hours most in proportional^[각주:47] terms^[각주:48], though they still do much less than mothers. Because families are smaller, the hours are spread across^[각주:49] fewer offspring^[각주:50]. 

Those doted-upon children^[각주:51] seem to have turned into amenable teenagers^[각주:52]. In 28 out of 34 rich countries surveyed by the World Health Organization, the proportion of 15-year-old boys who said they found it easy to talk to their fathers rose between 2001-02 and 2013-14. Girls found it easier to talk to their fathers in 29 out of 34 countries. The trend for mothers is similar but less strong. And even teenagers who do not talk to their parents seem to listen to them. Dutch surveys show that teenagers have come to feel more pressure from their parents not to drink. That is probably the main reason for the decline in^[각주:53] youthful^[각주:54] carousing since^[각주:55] 2003. 

Another possibility is that teenagers and young people are more focused on school and academic work. Across the OECD club of rich countries, the share of 25- to 34-year-olds with a tertiary degree^[각주:56] rose form 26% to 43% between 2000 and 2016. A larger proportion of teenagers believe they will go on to university^[각주:57].

As a result, they may be staying at home more. Mike Roe, who runs a drop-in youth club in^[각주:58] Brighton, in southern England, says that ten or 15 years ago clubs like his often used to stay open until 11pm on school nights. That is now regarded as too late. Oddly^[각주:59], though, teenagers are not necessarily filling their evenings with useful work. Between 2003 and 2012, the amount of time 15-year-olds spent doing homework fell by an hour a week across the OECD, to just under five hours. 

Meanwhile paid work is collapsing. In 2016 just 43% of American 16- to 19-year-olds were working in July, during the summer holidays - down from 65% two decades earlier. The retreat from^[각주:60] lifeguarding^[각주:61] and burger-flipping^[각주:62] worries some Americans, including Ben Sasse, a senator from Nebraska, who argues that boring paid work builds character^[각주:63] and resilience^[각주:64]. Teenagers are no fools, however. The average 16- to 19-year-old American worker earned $9.20 an hour in 2016. Though an improvement on previous years^[각주:65], that is a pittance^[각주:66] next to the cost of^[각주:67] university tuition or the large and growing wage differential between^[각주:68] professional-level jobs and the rest^[각주:69]. The fall in summer working has been mirrored by a rise in summer studying^[각주:70]. 

Ann Hagell, a British adolescent^[각주:71] psychologist, suggests another explanation. Today's young people in Western countries are increasingly ethnically^[각주:72] diverse^[각주:73]. Britain, for example, has received large flows of immigrants from Africa, south Asia and eastern Europe. Many of those immigrants arrive with strong taboos against^[각주:74] drinking, premarital^[각주:75] sex and smoking - at least among girls - and think that only paupers^[각주:76] send their child out to work. Ms Hagell points out that teenage drinking is rarest in London, where immigrants cluster^[각주:77]. 

Finally, technology has probably changed people's behavior. Teenagers are heavy internet users, the more so as they acquire^[각주:78] smartphones. By their own account^[각주:79], 15-year-olds in OECD countries spent 146 minutes a day online on weeknights in^[각주:80] 2015, up from 105 minutes in 2012. Chileans^[각주:81] lead the rich world, putting in an average of 195 minutes on weekdays and 230 minutes on weekend days. 

Social media allow teenagers' craving for^[각주:82] contact with peers to be squared with^[각주:83] parents' desire to keep their offspring safe and away from harmful substances^[각주:84]. In America, surveys known as Monitoring the Future have recorded a decline in unsupervised hanging-out^[각주:85], which has been especially sharp since 2012. Teenagers who communicate largely online can exchange gossip, insults and nude pictures, but not bodily fluids^[각주:86], blows^[각주:87], or bottles of vodka.

The digital trade-off comes at a cost^[각주:88]. Sophie Wasson, a psychologist at Harvard-Westlake, a private high school in Los Angeles, says that some teenagers seem to use social media as an alternative to face-to-face communication. In doing so^[각주:89], they pass up some opportunities to^[각주:90] develop deep emotional connections with their friends, which are built on non-verbal^[각주:91] cues^[각주:92] as well as verbal ones. Ms Wasson believes that social media widen the gap between how^[각주:93] teenagers feel about themselves and what they think their friends want them to be. Online, everybody else is always happy, good-looking and at a party. 

Technology also enhances surveillance. Parents track^[각주:94] their children's phones and text frequently to ask where they are. Benjamin Pollack, a student at the University of Pennsylvania, remembers attending a camp in Israel when he was in high school. He communicated with his mother every day, using Facebook Messenger and other tools. As it happens, his mother had attended the same camp when she was a teenager. She contacted her own mother twice in eight weeks. 

Worries about teenagers texting and playing computer games too much (and, before that, watching too much television) have largely given way to worries about smartphones and social media. Last November Chamath Palihapitiya, formerly^[각주:95] a Facebook executive, said that his children were "not allowed to use that shit". But strong evidence that^[각주:96] technology is rewiring^[각주:97] teenagers' minds is so far lacking. American and British data show that, although heavy internet use is associated with^[각주:98] unhappiness^[각주:99], the correlation^[각주:100] is weak. One paper on Britain by Andrew Przybylski and Netta Weinstein suggests that heavy computer and smartphone use lower adolescents' mood much less than skipping breakfast or skimping on sleep^[각주:101]. 

Sufficient unto the day^[각주:102]

Still, something is up. Whether it is a consequence of phones, intrusive^[각주:103] parenting^[각주:104], an obsessive focus on future job prospects^[각주:105] or something else entirely, teenagers seem lonelier than in the past. The OECD's PISA surveys show that the share of 15-year-olds who say they make friends easily at school has dropped in almost every country. Some Western countries are beginning to look like Japan and South Korea, which struggle with a more extreme kind of social isolation in which^[각주:106] young people become virtual^[각주:107] hermits^[각주:108]. 

Perhaps they will get round to close friendships^[각주:109] in time^[각주:110]. One way of thinking about the differences between the youth of today and yesterday is that today's lot are^[각주:111] taking it slow^[각주:112]. They are slow to drink, have sex and earn money. They will also probably be slow to leave home, get married and have children. What looks to older generations like indolence and a reluctance to grow up might be, at least in part^[각주:113], a response to medical developments. Bebies born today in a rich country can expect to live for at least 80 years. Goodness knows at what they will be entitled to^[각주:114] state pensions^[각주:115]. Today's young people have all the time in the world.

1. in view of ; …을 고려해서(=in consideration of, ~때문에, ~을 감안하고 ;; 흐름상 "~인것을 무릎쓰고" 정도의 의미 [본문으로]
2. campus police ; 대학 경비원 [본문으로]
3. cloud ; 1. [타동사][VN] (기억력・판단력 등을) 흐리다 ;; 2. ~ (over) (격식) (얼굴이[에]) 어두워지다[어두워지게 하다], (슬픔・두려움・분노 등의 감정이) 서리다[서리게 만들다] ;; 5. [타동사][VN] (걱정 등으로) 우울하게 만들다 [본문으로]
4. weed ; 4. [U] (비격식) 마리화나 [본문으로]
5. fret about ; …에 대해 초조해하다. [본문으로]
6. student loan ; 학생 융자, 학자금 대출 [본문으로]
7. homeless ; [형용사] 집 없는; 집을 제공하지 않는; 《드물게》의지할 곳 없는 ; [명사] (the homeless)《집합적·복수취급》노숙자, 무주택 부랑자. [본문으로]
8. intense ; (-tens·er; -tens·est) 1. 강렬한, 극도의, 굉장한; (색 따위가) 매우 짙은; (날씨 따위가) 혹독한. ;; 2. (감정 따위가) 격렬한, 열렬한; 격하기 쉬운; (행동 따위가) 열심인, 열성적인. [본문으로]
9. stigma ; (pl. stigmas) 1. 더럼; 오명, 오욕, 불명예. [본문으로]
10. cohort ; [C+sing./pl. v.] 1. (전문 용어) (통계적으로 동일한 특색이나 행동 양식을 공유하는) 집단 ;; 2. (못마땅함) (어떤 사람의) 지지자 ;; 미국식 [|koʊhɔ:rt] 영국식 [|kəʊhɔ:t] [본문으로]
11. shift ; 1. CHANGE | [C] ~ (in sth) (위치・입장・방향의) 변화 ;; 참고 ; paradigm shift [본문으로]
12. from ... to ... to ; 3가지 사항을 to 를 두번 사용하면서 표현한 것을 확인 [본문으로]
13. be under way ; have started and be now progressing or taking place [본문으로]
14. accelerate ; [자동사] 가속하다, 속도가 더하다, 빨라지다 [본문으로]
15. benign ; 1. (격식) (사람이) 상냥한, 유순한 ;; 미국∙영국 [bɪ|naɪn] [본문으로]
16. sip ; [동사] (-pp-) ~ (sth) | ~ (at sth) (음료를) 홀짝이다[거리다], 조금씩 마시다 [본문으로]
17. chug ; (-gg-) 2. [타동사][VN] (美 속어) (음료를) 단숨에 들이켜다 [본문으로]
18. fare ; [자동사][V] ~ well, badly, better, etc. (특정 상황에서) 잘, 잘못, 더 잘하다 등 [본문으로]
19. at the same time ; 동시에[함께] [본문으로]
20. group ; 2. (상업) (기업의) 그룹 [본문으로]
21. the other way round ; 1. 반대로[거꾸로] ;; 2. 반대 (상황) [본문으로]
22. fall from[out of] favor[grace] ; 신의 은총을 잃다, 타락하다, 종교상의 죄를 범하다(sin) ;; 남의 총애[인기]를 잃다 [본문으로]
23. proportion ; 1. PART OF WHOLE | [C+sing./pl. v.] (전체의) 부분, (전체에서 차지하는) 비율 ;; 2. RELATIONSHIP | [U] ~ (of sth to sth) (다른 것과 규모・양 등을 대조한) 비[비율] [본문으로]
24. mind-altering ; [형용사] <환각제 등> 정신에 변화를 주는, 향정신(向精神) 작용성의 [본문으로]
25. cannabis ; [U] 대마초 ;; 미국∙영국 [|kӕnəbɪs] [본문으로]
26. inhalant ; [명사] 흡입제 ;; 미국∙영국 [ɪn|heɪlənt] [본문으로]
27. sedative ; [명사] 진정제 ;; 미국·영국 [|sedətɪv] [본문으로]
28. abstainer ; 1. 기권자 ;; 2. 술을 안 마시는 사람 ;; 미국∙영국 [əb|steɪnə(r)] [본문으로]
29. illicit ; 위법의, 불법의; 금제(禁制)의, (사회 일반에) 인정되지 않은; 무면허의. [본문으로]
30. mercifully ; [부사] 1. 인정 많게, 자비롭게, 관대히 ;; 2. [문장 전체를 수식하여] 다행히도 [본문으로]
31. steep ; 2. [주로 명사 앞에 씀] (양의 증감이) 급격한 [본문으로]
32. juvenile crime ; (사회복지학) 청소년범죄 [본문으로]
33. anti-social behavior ; (교육학) 반사회적 행동(反社會的行動) [본문으로]
34. convict ; [명사] [kánvikt/kɔ́n-] 1. 유죄로 입증된 피고, 기결수; 수형자(受刑者), 죄수. [본문으로]
35. in custody ; 구류되어, 감금되어 [본문으로]
36. procreative ; [형용사] 출산[생식]의, 출산[생식]력이 있는; 다산(多産)의. [본문으로]
37. crash ; 3. (사업이) 실패하다, 파산하다; (시세 따위가) 폭락하다(down). [본문으로]
38. abstention ; [U] 1. 절제, 자제 ((from)) ;; 2. (권리 등의) 회피; 기권 [본문으로]
39. carry through ; 3. To continue to do something as it has been done, sometimes for sentimental reasons. In this usage, a noun or pronoun can be used between "carry" and "through." [본문으로]
40. unmarried ; [형용사] 미혼의; 결혼하지 않은, 독신의; 이혼한; 배우자를 잃은 [본문으로]
41. in short ; 요컨대, 요약하면 [본문으로]
42. hedonistic ; [형용사] 쾌락주의(자)의 ;; 미국∙영국 [hì:dənístik] [본문으로]
43. tuck sb up[in] ; ~에게 이불을 잘 덮어 주다 [본문으로]
44. childcare ; [U] 어린이 양호[보육]; 육아(育兒); 《英》 (일시적인) 무의탁 아동 보호. [본문으로]
45. primarily ; 1. 첫째로, 최초로; 최초는, 본래, 원래. ;; 2. 주로, 무엇보다 먼저. ;; 3. 대강, 대부분. [본문으로]
46. look after ; 1. ~을 맡다[돌보다/건사하다] ;; 참고 ; care ;; 2. (~에게 유리하도록) ~을 살피다[돌보다] [본문으로]
47. proportional ; 2. (…에) 비례하는, 비례의, 상대적인[to]. [본문으로]
48. term ; 3. [C] (지속되는・정해진) 기간 [본문으로]
49. be spread across ; ~에 분산, 배포되다, ~에 걸쳐 전달되다 [본문으로]
50. offspring ; (pl. ~, ~s) 1. (사람·동물의) 자식, 새끼; 자손 ;; 2. 생겨난 것, 소산, 결과 ((of)) [본문으로]
51. dote upon ; …을 맹목적으로 사랑하다, …에 홀딱 빠지다. [본문으로]
52. amenable ; 1. ~ (to sth) (사람들이) 말을 잘 듣는; …을 잘 받아들이는 ;; 미국∙영국 [ə|mi:nəbl] [본문으로]
53. decline ; [C , U] [주로 단수로] ~ (in sth) | ~ (of sth) (수・가치・품질 등의 지속적인) 감소[하락/축소] [본문으로]
54. youthful ; 1. 젊은이 특유의, 젊은이[청년]다운 ;; 2. 젊은, (나이보다) 젊어[앳되어] 보이는 [본문으로]
55. carouse ; [자동사][V] (문예체) 술을 마시며 흥청거리다 ;; 미국∙영국 [kə|raʊz] [본문으로]
56. tertiary ; 제3의, 제3차의, 셋째의 ;; 미국식 [|tɜ:rʃieri;|tɜ:rʃəri] 영국식 [|tɜ:ʃəri] ;; 참고 ; primary, secondary [본문으로]
57. go on to sth ; (다음 항목으로) 넘어가다 ;; …으로 나아가다. [본문으로]
58. drop-in ; [명사 앞에만 씀] 예약이 필요 없는 ;; 2. (누구나 마음 편히 들를 수 있는) 격식을 차리지 않는 사교적 모임 [본문으로]
59. oddly ; 1. 기묘하게, 기이하게; [문장 전체를 수식하여] 기묘하게도 ;; 2. 홀수로; 짝이 맞지 않게, 나머지가 되어 [본문으로]
60. retreat ; 2. ESCAPE | [C , U] [주로 단수로] ~ (from/into sth) 도피 ;; 3. CHANGE OF DECISION | [C] [주로 단수로] (결정 등에서) 물러섬, 철회 [본문으로]
61. lifeguard ; [자동사] lifeguard로서 근무하다 [본문으로]
62. flip ; (-pp-) 1. 홱 뒤집(히)다, 휙 젖히다[젖혀지다] 참고 flip over [본문으로]
63. build[form, mold] one's character ;덕성, 품성, 인격을 기르다, 함양하다 [본문으로]
64. resilience ; 2. (병·불행으로부터의) 신속한 회복력; 쾌활성 [본문으로]
65. year ; 6. [pl.] years (비격식) 오랜 세월[시간], 오래, 다년간 [본문으로]
66. pittance ; 얼마 안 되는 수당[수입]; 소량, 소수 ;; 미국∙영국 [|pɪtns] [본문으로]
67. next to ; 4. …와 비교하여 [본문으로]
68. differential ; 1. ~ (between A and B) (양・가치・소득의) 차이, 격차 [본문으로]
69. and (all) the rest (of it) ; 그 밖의 모든 것[기타 등등] [본문으로]
70. mirror ; [vn] 1. …을 (거울처럼) 비추다, 반사하다; 《비유적》 …을 반영하다. [본문으로]
71. adolescent ; [형용사] 1. 사춘[청년]기의, 청춘의 ;; 2. 한창 젊은; [구어] 미숙한, 불안정한 ;; [명사] 사춘기의 사람, 젊은이(cf. CHILD, ADULT) [본문으로]
72. ethnically ; 민족적으로, 인종적으로; 인종학적으로. [본문으로]
73. diverse ; 다른 종류의, 다른(different) ((from)); 여러 가지의, 다양한(varied) [본문으로]
74. a taboo against ; …에 관한 금기. [본문으로]
75. premarital ; [형용사] (명사 앞에만 씀) 혼전(婚前)의 ;; 미국·영국 [|pri:|mӕrɪtl] [본문으로]
76. pauper ; [명사] (옛글투) 아주 가난한 사람, 극빈자 ;; 미국∙영국 [|pɔ:pə(r)] [본문으로]
77. cluster ; [자동사][V + adv. / prep.] ~ (together) 무리를 이루다, (소규모로) 모이다 [본문으로]
78. acquire ; [vn], (격식) 2. (사거나 받아서) 획득하다[취득하다] [본문으로]
79. by one's own account ; 본인의 말에 따르면 [본문으로]
80. on weeknights =(美) weeknights ;; 평일 저녁에. [본문으로]
81. Chilean ; 칠레 사람 [본문으로]
82. crave for ; …을 갈망하다, ~하고 싶은 생각이 간절하다 [본문으로]
83. square ; 6. 부합[적응]시키다, 일치시키다 ((with, to)) [본문으로]
84. harmful substance ; (환경공학) 유해 물질(有害物質) [본문으로]
85. unsupervised ; [ADJ] without supervision ;; 참고 ; unsupervised learning ; [명사] (실험심리학) 자율 학습 [본문으로]
86. bodily fluid ; 체액 ;; (anatomy) Any liquid portion of the body, such as blood, urine, semen, saliva, especially when expelled. [본문으로]
87. blow ; 1. (손・무기 등으로) 세게 때림, 강타 [본문으로]
88. come at a cost ; 대가를 치르다, 대가가 따르다, 비용을 지불하다 [본문으로]
89. in doing so ; [부사] 그렇게 하면서, 그같은 행동을 통해. [본문으로]
90. pass up ; (비격식) (기회 등을) 거절하다[포기하다] [본문으로]
91. non-verbal ; [형용사] (주로 명사 앞에 씀) 말로 하지 않는, 비언어적인 [본문으로]
92. cue ; 1. ~ (for sth) | ~ (to do sth) (무엇을 하라는) 신호 [본문으로]
93. widen ; [폭·면적·범위 따위]를 넓히다. [본문으로]
94. track ; 2. FOLLOW | (특히 특수 전자 장비를 이용하여) 추적하다 [본문으로]
95. formerly ; [부사] 이전에, 예전에 [본문으로]
96. strong evidence ; 강력한 증거 [본문으로]
97. rewire ; [타동사][VN] (건물・설비 장치의) 전선을 갈다 ;; 흐름상 "구조나 흐름을 완전히 바꿔버리다" 정도의 의미 [본문으로]
98. be associated with ; ~와 관련되다 [본문으로]
99. unhappiness ; [U] 불행, 불운, 비참, 비애 [본문으로]
100. correlation ; [C , U] ~ (between A and B) | ~ (of A with B) 연관성, 상관관계 [본문으로]
101. skimp ; [자동사][V] ~ (on sth) (돈・시간 등을) 지나치게 아끼다 [본문으로]
102. sufficient unto the day ; "Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof" is an aphorism which appears in the Sermon on the Mount in the Gospel of Matthew — Matthew 6:34.[1] It implies that each day contains an ample burden of evils and suffering, with the implicit moral that we should avoid adding to them. [본문으로]
103. intrusive ; (opp. extrusive) 1. 침입의; 주제넘게 참견하는, 방해하는 [본문으로]
104. parenting ; [U] 육아 [본문으로]
105. prospects ; [명사] 예상, 가망성 [본문으로]
106. social isolation ; (사회) 사회적 고립 ((다른 사람과의 커뮤니케이션·협동의 상실)) [본문으로]
107. virtual ; [명사 앞에만 씀] 1. 사실상의, 거의 …과 다름없는 [본문으로]
108. hermit ; 2. ((일반적으로)) 은자, 세상을 등진 사람(recluse); 수행자(修行者), 신선, 도사 ;; 미국식 [|hɜ:rmɪt] 영국식 [|hɜ:mɪt] [본문으로]
109. get round[around] to sth ; ~을 할 시간[짬]을 내다 [본문으로]
110. in time ; 이윽고 ;; 2.after quite a long time; eventually [본문으로]
111. lot ; 2. GROUP/SET | [C+sing./pl. v.] (특히 英) (사람의) 무리[그룹]; (사물의) 묶음[무더기] ;; 본문에서 lot 을 복수로 받은 것을 확인 [본문으로]
112. take it slow ; 천천히 신중하게 하다 [본문으로]
113. in part ; 부분적으로는; 어느 정도는 [본문으로]
114. entitle ; 1. [흔히 수동태로] ~ sb to sth 자격[권리]을 주다 [본문으로]
115. a state pension ; 국가[국민] 연금 [본문으로]